Editorial

One of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s favourite taglines for India is that it is the mother of democracy and that it has experimented with the idea for millennia. Modi, like all Indians, has every right to be proud of the country’s democratic credentials but his response to the agitation for electoral transparency undertaken by the Opposition and led by the Congress hardly fits that of the ruler of the world’s largest democracy. Modi laments that the world is going in search for certainty but the Congress is unmindful of it and creating chaos in the country. The statement does not exactly reflect the goings-on across countries. The disenchantment with the existing order that has failed to address basic necessities of the masses has them hitting the streets seeking reformation of the systems which they feel are self-serving. They posit the stand that the governments are duty-bound to provide for food, clothing, housing and employment, translated to Indian context as roti, kapda, makam and rozgari. In India, the people, especially the youngsters, are on a protest path. Having successfully evicted a man who proved a failure as India’s education minister, they are now aiming for the men who presided over a criminal purge of the electoral roll undermining the Constitution, the law and basic principles of democracy, including universal adult suffrage. They are outraged that the names of close to 15 per cent of the voters have been struck off the rolls using hitherto unheard-of terms such as “logical discrepancies”. That the BJP and the government it leads at the Centre have found no fault with the Election Commission is no reason why the Opposition also must share it. The beauty of democracy lies in the space the ruling party gives to the Opposition and the efforts it makes to accommodate its legitimate demands. Instead of pursuing that model, Modi seeks to make fun of the principal Opposition party and its leader. Such as approach hardly helps.  The BJP, an offshoot of the Jan Sangh, started off as a two-member party in the Lok Sabha and pursued its politics unwaveringly over the decades to come to power, first with the help of its allies and then on its own. The party won two back-to-back elections under Modi but failed to keep the momentum the third time. It is up to the people to decide which party and leader should come to the helm; no leader can arrogate to himself the power to decide the course of politics in the country. The BJP, after coming to power in 2014, launched a slogan so dangerous that no democratic party could ever think of: Congress-mukt Bharat, a country with no space for its principal Opposition party. Modi has now chosen to call the Congress, which his party wanted to eliminate from the Indian political scene, “parasite”; and those who oppose the ideas of the ruling party “dimaagi Naxals (Naxals of the mind)”. It shows a kind of inability to live with a divergent opinion, hardly a quality that befits the Prime Minister of India. India is done with its life under Emergency; mutual respect and accommodation are what it seeks to present before the chaotic world. Modi should take the lead in showcasing the advantages of such an approach; and not its sabotage. (Source: Deccan Chronicle)  

Digital is the new critical superhighway for almost everything people need. It is used to fight wars, issue birth and education certificates, provide entertainment, collect road tolls and even certify a person’s death. If digital networks are compromised, essential services across the connected world could come to a standstill. Data security, therefore, deserves the seriousness with which countries guard their physical borders. Yet recent incidents reveal elementary mistakes, inadequate safeguards and possible breaches of trust that expose sensitive information. As governments and businesses insist on taking more services online, their responsibility to protect the people using them must grow correspondingly. The discovery of two critical vulnerabilities in PHP, a programming language underpinning much of the web, is alarming. The flaws could allow attackers to seize control of affected servers, steal or alter information and disrupt services without first obtaining authorised access. Though emergency fixes were released on October 21 to address the issue, a large number of websites — at least 50 per cent of all — being run using older software will continue to remain vulnerable. A weakness in such widely used software can endanger numerous otherwise unrelated services simultaneously. The growing capabilities of artificial intelligence introduce another threat. CERT-In has warned that AI agents undergoing research and evaluation exceeded their assigned authority and accessed live systems of Indian organisations. These autonomous agents, which can plan tasks, invoke tools and act online, accessed confidential records through exposed credentials, application settings and excessively permissive cloud access. But none of these organisations were aware of the intrusion, until the AI model providers informed them about the breach. The lesson is simple: Giving AI agents unrestricted access and relying on written instructions to restrain them is inadequate. Their reach must be limited through enforceable technical controls, and organisations should store crucial data from tightly controlled spaces. The eMudhra episode illustrates how a single failure can undermine digital trust. Weak private keys associated with eight intermediate certification authority certificates created the possibility of forged website credentials and forged digital signed documents. This is an easily avoidable incident, which was caused by negligence of its staff. The government must ensure that companies, who are considered gatekeepers of digital trust, must behave with utmost seriousness. Banking incidents expose additional routes to compromise. State Bank of India said crucial data of nearly 4,000 of its customers was available on dark net, while Bank of Baroda acknowledged unauthorised access through an employee’s compromised email account. Reports allege issues of data security at HDFC Bank, which the lender denied. These incidents show why security must extend beyond transaction servers. India, therefore, needs measurable security obligations: prompt repairs, independent audits, strict controls over employees and vendors, and clear disclosure of what an incident has exposed. Digital expansion must also be accompanied by reliable arrangements for recovery. If a hacker wipes out a university’s records, students should not be left struggling to prove their qualifications. Governments and institutions must maintain independently secured backups, test their restoration regularly and preserve physical records of crucial events. Digital systems deliver speed and efficiency, but convenience must never come at the cost of security or the ability to recover from failure. (Source: Deccan Chronicle)  

Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge’s letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, highlighting the delay in proroguing the monsoon session of Parliament and urging him to hold an all-party meeting on the proposed delimitation bill, raises both procedural and substantive issues regarding the functioning of Parliament and the government. The monsoon session was adjourned sine die on August 13. Conventionally, a session is prorogued within a few days of its adjournment. But parliament is technically in session even 70 days after it was adjourned. Prorogation formally ends a session and terminates pending business. Leaving the Houses in a state of suspension goes against parliamentary norms and raises questions about the government’s intentions. The move impacts the functioning of parliament and amounts to its disrespect. The delay in prorogation comes amid speculation that the government plans to convene a session at short notice to introduce legislation on the delimitation of constituencies. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government’s attempt to pass the bill had failed in April. Any move to reintroduce legislation involving a constitutional amendment without providing sufficient notice to the members defies parliamentary conventions. In the past, the government has hurriedly introduced bills and passed them due to its majority in the House. But a two-thirds majority is required for the passage of a constitutional amendment. The government is reportedly lobbying for support for the delimitation legislation among parties which opposed it in April. A sizeable section of the Trinamool Congress, which had voted against the bill, is now supporting the BJP. The proposed bill has far-reaching consequences and will alter India’s political and parliamentary map in the coming decades. It will tilt the balance of political power among different states and regions and Centre-state relations. Such legislation should not be hurried through in a special session and requires extensive debate. Kharge has called for an all-party meeting to discuss the bill. He made a similar proposal to the Prime Minister on April 11, but the government called a special session and introduced the bill on April 16. He wrote letters to the Prime Minister again, on July 16 and August 27, without receiving a response. The government appears to be building up for an ambush with the bill, and keeping the House adjourned may serve this problematic agenda. Democracy is not about back-room deals, machinations, and mala fide number games, but about the widest consultation, participation, and good faith. (Source: DH)

With retail inflation touching 5.54% in September, India’s inflation tolerance – as defined by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) – is close to its 6% threshold. It is at a two-year high and has been above 4% for four consecutive months. Food inflation was 7.74%, and rural food inflation touched 8.06% in September. The wholesale price index registered a high of 11.39%. According to data released by the Consumer Affairs Ministry, onion prices have risen nearly 113% over the last 12 months, sugar prices by 22%, and sunflower oil prices by 18%. Retail prices of most essential, government-monitored household items have gone up, with 41 of 42 items recording rises over a year. Inflation has steadily increased since January, and consumer prices increased by 0.69% between August and September. The rise in inflationary pressures is traced to the increase in crude prices due to the war in West Asia, a depreciating rupee, and a deficient monsoon that has affected agriculture and created drought-like conditions in many parts of the country. While the rise in oil prices has raised transport costs, contributing to a general price escalation across commodities and services, a weak rupee has imported inflation. Weather disruptions could continue as the El Niño is expected to extend to the next year. Winter crops are also likely to be affected. The RBI has predicted higher inflation levels for the remaining months. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has warned of renewed inflationary pressures in India if the West Asia war keeps energy prices high. It also warned that higher energy prices could worsen fiscal balances in the region, making it more difficult for governments to support vulnerable households while maintaining fiscal sustainability. The central bank has increased interest rates and may raise them again. While it is the standard monetary response to tackle inflation, it may still prove insufficient. Since food inflation can severely hit weaker sections, especially those in rural areas, the Union government should take steps to contain distress. Buffer stocks should be released in time to reduce shortages and prevent price rises. Administrative action should be initiated to prevent artificial scarcity. Imports should be considered when necessary. Farmers will need assistance for their crops in adverse circumstances, along with compensation and insurance payments for their losses. The poor, in both towns and villages, will be the worst-affected, and the government should prioritise policies to help them overcome the challenge. (Source: DH)

The Supreme Court’s verdict that a person belonging to the Backward Classes who converts to Islam is not entitled to reservation based on their pre-conversion status does not answer all questions about linkages between caste, religion, backwardness, and reservation. The Court dismissed the Tamil Nadu government’s appeal against a Madras High Court order, which held that a person converting to Islam cannot claim reservations under the Backward Class (Muslim) category solely based on conversion. A bench of Justices Prashant Mishra and Shree Chandrashekhar ruled that backwardness suffered in the antecedent social order cannot by itself be carried forward to the religion to which the individual has converted. The case concerned a person who converted to Islam and sought to be identified as a Muslim Lebbai, a backward community. After the local revenue authority turned down his application, he approached the Madras High Court, which, too, rejected his plea. Questions remain about the Court’s view that a person does not carry their backwardness when they move from one religion to another. Backwardness is a social and economic condition. Many sections among Muslims have been declared backward and are entitled to reservation benefits. Seven communities designated as Other Backward Classes (OBCs) constitute the majority of Muslims in Tamil Nadu. The Rajinder Sachar Committee of 2006 had found that the Muslim community has suffered from social, economic, and educational backwardness similar to the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. The Court said the TN government’s order wrongly treated a person’s historical disadvantage in one religion as sufficient proof of membership in a particular backward class in another religion. The contention here is that social backwardness is tied to a caste structure and that when an individual converts to a non-Hindu social order, that backwardness ceases to exist. Constitutional provisions regarding reservation for backward classes are based on social and economic backwardness, not on religious status. Article 15(4) and Article 16(4) allow the State to make special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes of citizens without reference to any religion. While reservations based on Scheduled Caste status are only available to those belonging to the Hindu, Sikh, and Buddhist religions, backward and OBC reservations are religion-neutral. When both the communities in question are backward, why should religious conversion be a measure to deny a person’s entitlement? That might amount to discrimination based on religion and a restriction on the right to practise any religion. (Source: DH)

The Election Commission of India (ECI)’s decision to initiate a Special Summary Revision (SSR) in 17 states and UTs, including Bihar, West Bengal, and Tamil Nadu, where it has held the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, is an admission of guilt and defeat. Last year, the ECI skipped this regular annual exercise to launch the SIR, rewriting electoral rolls in its own way, questioning voters’ rights, excluding large numbers of voters, and inflicting tension and trauma on citizens. With this latest measure, and others announced last month after revelations about its functioning, the ECI may be attempting to undo some of the wrongs done through the SIR. While the SIR required every voter to fill an enumeration form to make it to the draft roll, in the SSR all existing voters will automatically make it to the draft roll. The ECI has said it will enrol new voters, re-enrol those left out using the original Form 6, and disallow mass Form 7 objections. Crucially, it will also release searchable election rolls in text-based PDFs to parties and candidates. For over two years now, the Opposition has demanded digital, machine-readable rolls. The ECI had rejected it, claiming that the Supreme Court disallowed it and that it would violate voter privacy. If so, why has the ECI allowed it now? It should explain why it has changed its position on this and other matters. It must also explain whether the new enrolment drive will cover voters deleted in West Bengal, and whose cases are pending before tribunals. It should also publish separate lists of fresh voters enrolled and voters re-enrolled after deletion. The SIR amounted to a violation of rights and denial of voting rights to millions through arbitrary and prejudicial use of power. The question now is whether reversing many of its provisions will restore the pre-SIR rolls. Clearly, the ECI’s rethinking and reversals have been forced by the protests. The idea may be to claim that protests are unnecessary because the ECI’s unacceptable actions have now been reversed. But these are not mistakes to be forgiven once corrected; they are crimes that demand accountability. In any case, the result of the exercise remains uncertain. The system of appointing ECI members and the law granting them legal immunity must be reviewed. The SIR violated basic democratic and electoral norms. Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, who orchestrated the vile attempt to scuttle India’s electoral system, should resign — or be made to resign. (Source: DH)

Nearly three decades after the ceasefire began, the Naga peace process remains trapped in unresolved demands, with patience wearing thin. For all these years, Nagaland has been a relatively peaceful state. The state saw long years of insurgency that ended, or so it seems, in 1997. The 1997 truce with the NSCN-IM was a turning point. The 2015 Framework Agreement promised a final deal. Eleven years on, it still remains a promise. Three pressures now converge. First, patience is wearing thin. NSCN-IM leader Thuingaleng Muivah, 92, has repeatedly threatened a return to armed struggle. Such warnings are partly a bargaining tactic, and a people weary of bloodshed have little appetite for war. Second, the Naga house is divided. The NSCN-IM faces a breakaway Eastern Flank, rival factions and the NNPGs, all competing for legitimacy, often through “taxation” of traders, contractors and residents. Fragmentation makes a deal harder to sign and militancy easier to justify. Third, the social fabric is fraying. The October 10 clash between the Tikhir and Yimkhiung communities in Pungro, Kiphire, left one person dead, homes burnt and dozens displaced. Add Manipur’s turbulence, and the situation becomes even more fragile. The Centre has made a sensible start. Appointing Ajit Lal as interlocutor and bringing a Union Minister into the talks addresses a long-standing demand, and the NSCN-IM has welcomed both. New Delhi cannot wish away Naga distinctiveness; Article 371A already protects Naga customary law and land. A settlement could deepen that asymmetry through greater powers for Naga institutions, a recognised cultural flag and carefully drafted language on shared sovereignty, without a parallel constitution. The NSCN-IM, for its part, must accept that a sovereign flag and constitution are not on offer and stop treating them as the price of peace. Both parties should publish what has been agreed and what remains open; secrecy has bred suspicion. Any deal must also include the NNPGs, the churches, the hohos and the eastern tribes, whose demand for greater autonomy deserves answers rather than delay. Locally, the state government must enforce the memoranda that settle inter-tribal disputes before the next festival becomes the next fire. Security forces must act with discipline and sound intelligence, since every Oting-style error hands insurgency a ready argument. Naga fatigue with violence is the strongest safeguard against a relapse, but fatigue is not a policy. The window opened by Lal’s appointment is narrow. Delhi and Kohima should use it to turn a long ceasefire into a lasting peace before time and events decide for them. (Source: The Pioneer)

Robert E Hall of Stanford University and Michael Woodford of Columbia University were awarded this year’s Nobel Prize for Economics for their insights on how governments and central banks can stabilise economies in uncertain times. The Nobel citation mentions their contributions “for microeconomic foundations of macroeconomic stabilisation”. Their work has informed measures that stabilised economies in times of disruption caused by external events – from rising energy prices to changes in retail demand patterns. This assumes greater significance at a time when central banks across the world are using rate changes as an effective monetary tool to counter inflation. Last week, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) raised repo rates after nearly four years, joining other central banks on a tightening drive. This followed a rise in crude prices, a fallout of the war in West Asia, and a spike in inflation. These stabilisation ideas can be traced to the work of John Maynard Keynes, one of the world’s most eminent economists in the last century. Keynesian models helped major economies in the 1930s to navigate the Great Depression. He countered the idea that economies could automatically correct themselves and address issues such as loss of employment. Keynes proposed that governments raise expenditure, change taxation policies, and effect monetary easing to support and induce demand when economic activity declined. This is particularly so at a time of recession, when falling private consumption and investment adversely impact demand and production, leading to a decline in employment. Keynes’ ideas helped disrupted economies to regain balance and stability. But they came to be questioned later, when economies faced simultaneous challenges of inflation and unemployment. The idea of State intervention did not find favour in a liberalising world. But Keynesian economics found traction this century. Hall and Woodford have adapted these traditional models to present situations. They have demonstrated how appropriate monetary policies can help reduce volatility. This has been seen in many cases where central banks turned to interest rates for solutions. The idea that expectations of the people and the markets about future interest rates can provide important inputs is accepted now. The Nobel committee said the laureates’ theoretical foundation enabled the world to deal with shocks in the economy, such as a sudden shift in household consumption. Economists rarely agree, so some of their ideas remain contentious. But there is no disagreement on the contemporary relevance of the economic thought they have shaped. (Source: DH)  

Jantar Mantar in Delhi has, over the years, become synonymous with protests. Since 1993, it has served as a platform for diverse forms of protest covering a wide range of issues – from gender rights to corruption to examination malpractices. It has hosted important voices against social injustice and misgovernance that have resonated with generations and contributed to enduring change. In practical terms, Jantar Mantar represents a thriving democratic space and the spirit of the Constitution’s Article 19, which ensures the right to speech and expression. The decision to denotify the location as a designated protest site is essentially a blow to that democratic expression. It is driven by undemocratic instinct and the State’s unwillingness to listen to the people. The government now wants to move the protests to venues such as Ramlila Maidan, Burari Ground, and CBD Ground, located far from the core areas of the national capital. These alternative sites are expensive, frequently host commercial and religious activities, and are not available for long periods. The Burari Ground and the CBD Ground are located about 15-20 km from the core city. Protests are social and collective acts staged to attract the attention of the authorities and the community. To be effective, they need to be visible and accessible to the community. Limiting these gatherings to venues disconnected from Delhi’s core region strips the protests of their democratic character, effectively blunting their capacity to hold power to account. Notably, Delhi Police told the Delhi High Court that the move was based on a Supreme Court order. However, the Centre denied this in the apex court on Thursday, stating that it had already decided to form a committee to recommend alternative sites. The Union government’s approach to dissent has been clear in police action during the agitation seeking examination reforms and the ongoing protests against Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar over the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. Such street protests and demonstrations will cause disruption and inconvenience the public. Democracy can be noisy, disorderly, and even costly, but it prevails over the silence and order established by authoritarianism. Proximity to the seat of power, visibility, and public access should be the key markers for a site of protest. Ideally, any location should be a venue for the public to protest. The citizen has the right to talk from all public spaces, which they own. The government cannot insist that it will hear them only on its terms. (Source: DH)

Global life expectancy has almost returned to pre-COVID levels, with healthy life expectancy also rising in tandem. According to the World Health Organization (WHO)’s latest Global Health Estimates report, global life expectancy reached 73.3 years in 2023, close to the 73.4 years recorded in 2019. Healthy life expectancy has also recovered, but at a slower rate. It went up to 62.8 years in 2023, still 0.4 years below its 2019 level. That healthy life expectancy is lagging behind overall life expectancy indicates the pandemic’s continuing impact. These figures also show that healthcare systems around the world have not fully recovered. The WHO has rightly said that the next global challenge is to ensure that the years gained are lived in good health. India’s life expectancy at birth has also recovered since the COVID setback, reaching 71 years in 2023, after falling from 70.5 years in 2019 to 68.1 in 2021. India regained more than two years of expected lifespan over these two years. The country’s healthy life expectancy was 60.6 years in 2023, only slightly more than the 2019 figure of 60.5 years. These life expectancy levels are less than the world’s. The country is ahead of Pakistan’s 68.2 years but behind Sri Lanka’s 77.56 years and Bangladesh’s 72.7 years. The two neighbouring countries are ahead of India in other health indicators, too. Public health is among the most critical measures of welfare. The trends in the WHO report present a strong case for India to tailor its policy according to the evolving needs and invest more in the sector. The report also underlines the growing global threat of non-communicable diseases (NCDs). It said NCDs accounted for 74% of deaths reported globally in 2023; their share was only 58% in 2000. Eight of the world’s 10 leading causes of death in 2023 were NCDs, with cardiovascular diseases and diabetes forming a major share of the number. Mental health issues have also shown an upward trend. NCDs now account for about 60% of deaths in India. Infectious diseases are also emerging as a major threat in the country. While much of the rising NCD burden relates to lifestyle and environmental changes, poor sanitation, drinking water issues, and limited access to medical aid in many parts of the country have heightened the threat from infectious diseases. Prevention and long-term preparedness, not reactive measures, will be the viable strategy. (Source: DH)