Editorial

It was a weakened I.N.D.I.A bloc that met in New Delhi on Monday, against the backdrop of electoral reverses suffered by important constituents. The Opposition alliance has failed to build on the momentum it had after an impressive show in the 2024 Lok Sabha election. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has since emerged stronger in states and at the Centre. Two major parties in I.N.D.I.A – the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the Trinamool Congress (TMC) – were routed in their states in the recent Assembly elections. In Kerala, where the Congress won, the party was pitted against constituents of the national alliance it leads. In West Bengal, the TMC is facing an existential threat following dissidence and defection. Friction within the alliance is palpable. That the group was meeting for the first time after the 2024 elections shows how serious the parties are in being seen on a common platform. I.N.D.I.A represents a wide spectrum of politics, involving 23 parties with disparate identities and ideologies. It is not known for a united position against the BJP, the common opponent, or for cohesion in its strategies. The DMK, a strong and vocal member of the bloc, stayed away from the Delhi meeting after its post-results fallout with the Congress in Tamil Nadu. Its plans remain uncertain. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) did not attend the meeting. The TMC, another strong pillar of the alliance, has lost much of its parliamentary strength and popular mandate. The Left parties and the Congress have traded charges. Complicating the scene further, leaders of some parties are also switching to the BJP. In the meeting, there was criticism regarding the trustworthiness of Congress. Tamil Nadu has evidence. In spite of the internal misgivings, the parties have decided to work together and present a joint front against the BJP. The meeting agreed on a five-point plan that includes holding consultations more frequently, jointly raising concerns over the Election Commission of India (ECI)’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, seeking the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the mishandling of examinations, and coordinating strategies on the floor of Parliament. The parties will meet again in Hyderabad in August. India is facing a multitude of challenges. An effective Opposition can put the government on the back foot over its handling of these issues. However, I.N.D.I.A lacks a credible, unified agenda for its fight against a political adversary that gains further from this inherent disconnect. It will take more than a few meetings and resolutions to get there. (Source: DH)  

At the core of the Supreme Court’s recent judgment on human trafficking and sex work is an important distinction. India’s legal and law enforcement systems have continued to approach cases in both areas with a largely similar set of responses. The apex court’s ruling can positively reshape these responses of the State, making it accountable for protecting the rights of women in either situation. A bench of Justices J B Pardiwala and R Mahadevan noted that the Immoral Traffic [Prevention] Act (ITPA) has failed to recognise the rights of voluntary adult sex workers and ensure their protection. It noted that the statute’s silence on the matter deepened the social stigma they face, resulting in their marginalisation and exploitation. The Court made an important observation when it said, “…the rights of sex workers can exist without there being a right to sex work.” The ITPA follows uniform processes to rescue and rehabilitate women, irrespective of their circumstances. Under its provisions, trafficking victims and voluntary sex workers are placed in protective custody before rehabilitation measures are initiated. The Court said there should be an initial inquiry before placing adults in protective custody. It stipulated that in cases of sex work, recognition of consent should inform rehabilitation decisions. Welfare measures cannot override individual choice. The central principle is that a person who identifies herself as a sex worker by choice has the right to practise her profession; the State cannot take that right away. Since the ITPA treats all sex work within the ambit of trafficking, it also leads to harassment of the very victims the law is meant to protect. The Court has sought from the government a re-examination of the legislative framework that conflates sex trafficking with sex work. Significantly, it prescribed to the State a new approach to trafficking. The Court emphasised rehabilitation, reintegration, and long-term protection of trafficked women. It directed that a victim protection plan be formulated, aimed at setting minimum standards for shelter homes and offering mental health support, legal aid, education, vocational training, and safeguards against re-trafficking. Trafficking of women is a multi-billion-dollar business within and outside the country, operated through organised networks supported by powerful interests. While dismantling these criminal networks will take strong, coordinated action, the Court’s directives are aimed at addressing legal gaps through the lens of rights and dignity. These guidelines need to be followed up with political will and administrative capacity-building. Their impact will also hinge on a responsive and sensitised society. (Source: DH)  

India’s economy delivered a stellar performance in the January-March quarter of 2026. GDP growth came in at 7.8 per cent, easing slightly from 8 per cent in the preceding quarter but comfortably above market expectations of 7.2 per cent, taking full-year FY26 growth to 7.7 per cent. Prime Minister Modi has every reason to proclaim India the world’s fastest-growing major economy. The number is real. The achievement is genuine. But a number, however impressive, is not the full story. Look past the headline, and the stress fractures become visible. Begin with the central bank. The Reserve Bank of India held its repo rate steady at 5.25 per cent for the third consecutive meeting in June, maintaining a neutral stance even as it cut its GDP growth forecast for FY2026-27 sharply to 6.6 per cent from an earlier 6.9 per cent. A central bank that simultaneously freezes rates and slashes its own growth projection is not a central bank radiating confidence. It is one navigating a tightrope. Inflation is now projected to average 5.1 per cent for the current fiscal year, up significantly from an earlier estimate of 4.6 per cent. The “rare Goldilocks” era that RBI Governor Malhotra celebrated just months ago has quietly given way to stagflationary risk. Then there is the rupee downslide. Foreign investors have offloaded over $20 billion in Indian shares so far this year, placing the rupee under severe pressure and making it one of Asia’s worst-performing major currencies in 2026. A sliding currency is more than a financial statistic — it is a barometer of confidence, and right now that barometer is falling.  Capital outflows of $13.7 billion from the equity segment alone since January have prompted the RBI to roll out emergency measures to attract foreign capital. The global backdrop adds further complexity. Economists have cautioned that growth is likely to moderate this year amid rising energy costs and global uncertainty linked to the West Asia conflict. India’s ability to source affordable energy has been disrupted, and the RBI’s own revised growth trajectory for FY27 ranges between 6.3 per cent and 6.8 per cent across quarters – a step down from FY26’s pace. What should India do to keep the momentum alive? Three imperatives stand out. First, protect the rupee without choking growth. The RBI must strike a balance between currency stability and keeping borrowing costs conducive to investment. Deepening forex reserves, encouraging long-term capital inflows and reducing oil import dependence are the sustainable answers. Second, broaden the base of growth. While services, manufacturing and construction have driven the recent surge, agriculture grew just 3.6 per cent — a sector that still employs nearly half the workforce. Inclusive growth demands that rural incomes rise, farm productivity improves and the benefits of the services boom reach beyond Tier-1 cities. Third, stay fiscally disciplined. The temptation to spend India’s way through global headwinds is understandable, but deficit overruns would further spook foreign investors and weaken the rupee. The economy needs not just celebration, but honest diagnosis. The numbers are strong. The foundations need tending. (Source:  The Pioneer)

In the unravelling of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), shortly after its electoral rout in West Bengal, history is repeating itself. Voted out after three consecutive terms in power, the TMC is witnessing a post-defeat breakdown similar to what other parties have experienced. Former chief minister and the TMC’s founder-leader, Mamata Banerjee, has lost operational control, with most members of the legislature party rebelling against her. As many as 58 of the 80 TMC legislators, led by Ritabrata Banerjee, wrote to Assembly Speaker Rathindra Basu stating they were the “real” TMC. The Speaker accepted them as the recognised Opposition in the House, with Ritabrata – expelled from the TMC for anti-party activities – as the Leader of the Opposition. Ritabrata and his group of rebels framed their move as dissent against Abhishek Banerjee, TMC general secretary and Mamata’s nephew, who is seen as her successor. They have not denounced Mamata in public and have even requested her to be their guide and adviser. But these strategic positions notwithstanding, they have broken away from the party and what it stands for. Abhishek’s rising prominence in the party had already left some of the senior leaders disgruntled. It is not just the MLAs and leaders who are leaving; the TMC faces the threat of an exodus of the rank and file. Widespread public disenchantment with the party, now identified with corruption, criminality, and authoritarian internal structures, was reflected in the Assembly election results. For a breakaway group trying to establish itself as the real Trinamool, it makes political sense to distance itself from a leadership that has lost the people’s mandate. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) cannot complain, given that the dissidents have left a weakened opposition in further disarray. This exit staged by Ritabrata, who has travelled through parties, has parallels with the one led by Eknath Shinde against the Shiv Sena leadership in Maharashtra. There, the revolt was managed by the BJP. Regional parties in other states that aligned with the BJP have seen their bases deplete. With more dissent and defections a clear possibility, the TMC and its beleaguered leader are in for testing times. For Mamata, who fought long, tough fights to hold on to power for 15 years, a fractured TMC raises existential questions. Her loss also diminishes the Opposition I.N.D.I.A bloc. On her home turf, she will now have to brace for longer legal and political battles with an adversary who spares no trick to eliminate opposition. (Source: DH)  

The Donald Trump administration’s proposal to impose new tariffs of up to 12.5% on imports from 60 countries, including India, aligns with the United States’ strategic position to use tariffs in the service of trade. US Trade Representative (USTR) Jamieson Greer said Washington would continue to use tariffs and trade agreements to “increase incentives for domestic production and to open markets for US exports.” The latest imposts have been proposed under Section 301 of the US Trade Act, 1974. Of the 60 countries, 54 are accused of having failed to prohibit the importation of goods produced by forced labour. This group includes China, India, Saudi Arabia, Australia, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. Six other countries, including Pakistan, identified as failing “to effectively enforce a forced labour import prohibition,” must pay a 10% tariff. India said the USTR would decide on the proposal only after considering public opinion. In February, the US Supreme Court struck down the imposition of global reciprocal tariffs, following which President Trump announced a temporary 10% levy on imports. The latest imposts come ahead of the expiration of this temporary measure, on July 24. The US also proposes to launch an investigation into the “structural excess capacity and production in manufacturing sectors” of 16 countries, including India and China. This may also lead to the imposition of fresh tariffs. The investigation and the proposal for new tariffs intend to circumvent the top court’s ruling and enable the administration to continue collecting the tariffs. The effective tariff rate for India had fallen to 10%, but the new impost could take it up to 22.5%. Under the trade deal being negotiated by the two countries, the tariff was expected to be agreed upon at 18%. The proposal for the new tariff has come at a time when negotiations between the two countries over an interim trade agreement were considered to be at an advanced stage. This announcement further emphasises the unreliability of the current administration in the US. Notably, the mixed signals have continued in Trump’s criticism of India for having taken “advantage” of the US for years by charging steep tariffs. Senior US officials have underlined the need for the two countries to maintain robust bilateral relations. New Delhi said, following the new proposal, that it would remain engaged in talks on the trade agreement. As the two sides prepare the final draft, India must remain alert to the arbitrariness in US policy and safeguard its interests. (Source: DH)  

Two deadly accidents on successive days have yet again exposed systemic failures that have left India’s fire safety protocols under a perpetual threat of breach. In Delhi, a fire at a bed-and-breakfast facility killed 21 people. Fire in a hospital Intensive Care Unit (ICU) in Bihar’s Muzaffarpur killed at least five. In March, a fire at a Cuttack medical college and hospital claimed 12 lives. Seven newborns were charred to death in a fire in an East Delhi hospital in 2024. More than 90 people died in a Kolkata hospital fire in 2011. Fire in a Kolkata hotel, in April 2025, saw 14 deaths. The numbers reveal a disturbing continuity spanning decades, pointing to a system that has failed to learn from the past. Hospitals, restaurants, cinema halls, and offices in India remain vulnerable to fire accidents. The reasons across incidents have largely been common: faulty electrical circuits, unscientifically constructed and overcrowded buildings, lack of ventilation, narrow passages and exits, absence of basic fire-fighting devices, and poor awareness of safe exit procedures are prominent among them. The multi-storey building in South Delhi where the fire occurred on Wednesday stood in a crowded area with narrow lanes, which made firefighting difficult. People jumped from the building’s upper floors to escape the fire. Many guests, including foreign nationals, were in the city for medical treatment. An electrical short circuit is suspected to have caused the fire in Muzaffarpur. Multiple fire accidents have highlighted the deadly fallout from poorly maintained electrical systems, especially in high-footfall locations, such as hospitals. The B&B did not have operational clearance from the Department of Delhi Fire Service. Though the facility had the approval for only six rooms, it hosted guests in 25. The building had only one entry and exit point. These are standard red flags across the hospitality sector, but corrections happen, if they happen, only in isolation and after tragedy hits. The violation of basic building and fire safety norms is extensive, and civic authorities who allow the illegalities are complicit. In January, the Delhi High Court directed the authorities to formulate an action plan for fire safety in hospitality establishments. Following the accident, the Municipal Corporation of Delhi has launched a crackdown on illegal commercial establishments. But this is familiar ad hocism. Beyond the inevitability of human errors, these mishaps persist primarily due to weak enforcement of established guidelines; they persist due to a system that fails to ensure essential oversight. (Source: DH)

Pope Leo XIV has joined the debate on Artificial Intelligence with his 40,000-word encyclical Magnifica Humanitas issued last month, calling upon the world to take an ethical view of AI and adopt safeguards against its misuse. The head of the Catholic Church, in a detailed and thoughtful analysis of the technology moving the world, made an appeal to keep it “human-centred” and ensure that its power is not translated into authority over human life. The Vatican clarified that the argument is not for rejecting the technology, but to make it serve people responsibly and to protect their dignity. Warning against monopolistic control of the technology, the Pope said the world should learn from the fallouts of the social media age. Popes have in the past expressed their views on important ideas and events in human history. While they have influenced the actions of governments and the thinking of societies, they have been regarded primarily as talking points, advisories, or suggestions in recent times. In 1891, Pope Leo XIII responded to the Industrial Revolution in his encyclical, Rerum Novarum, calling for harmonious relations between capital and labour, while supporting the workers’ rights and the cause of social justice. Such thinking and concerns have shaped important discourses and guided societies in times of distress. Beyond the theological intent in the Pope’s position on AI, there is a human message that transcends faith and religion. Each generation has a responsibility to preserve the dignity of the individual, promote justice, and encourage fraternity. The message also urges the world to see an important distinction: AI is not morally neutral, so it cannot be judged only in terms of the technologies it entails. The Pope’s is not an isolated voice; others have stated apprehensions about the role AI may have on human lives. These concerns find expression when new ideas and technologies emerge. They are necessary when the world is in a race to expand the frontiers of technology. Such expansive endeavours risk becoming reckless and reaching a stage where the distinction between public good and private profit is extinguished. At a time when there is discussion about human functionalities and agencies being taken over by algorithms, at a time when autonomous warfare is in the realm of possibility, there is a need to assert that man is the measure of all technology and ideology. This is why the Pope’s call for internal restraint and external regulation of the technology resonates with the world. (Source: DH)

India’s education establishment has a peculiar relationship with reform: it announces it loudly, implements it hastily, and then retreats into silence when things go wrong. The CBSE OSM controversy of 2026 is only the latest — and perhaps the most damaging — example of this pattern. When CBSE introduced On-Screen Marking for Class 12 board examinations this year, it presented it as a leap into transparency and modernity. Answer scripts would be scanned, uploaded to a secure portal, and evaluated digitally by teachers from their own schools — no more physical transport, no totalling errors, no delays. The pitch was impeccable. The execution was not. What unfolded after results were declared on May 13 was, by any measure, a crisis. Students reported shockingly low marks that bore no resemblance to their preparation or performance. Many answer sheets had been scanned with blurred or illegible images, making fair evaluation almost impossible. The re-evaluation portal malfunctioned under load. Teachers, already struggling with a system they had barely trained on — in some cases for just one week — reported screen fatigue, repeated corrections, and mounting anxiety during the high-stakes evaluation period. The rot, it turns out, ran deeper. The OSM contract was reportedly awarded to Hyderabad-based Coempt Edu Teck — the lowest bidder — over more established players. A 19-year-old cybersecurity researcher then publicly disclosed multiple critical vulnerabilities in the OSM portal, including the potential for unauthorised access to examiner accounts and modification of marks. He had reported these to CERT-In in February; most remained unpatched by May. Meanwhile, teachers in Delhi were issued show-cause notices when Class 12 results slumped at the national level — effectively penalising educators for failures that were structural. To compound matters, CBSE had simultaneously abolished post-result verification of marks for Class 12 — the very safety net that would have allowed aggrieved students a formal recourse. The way out demands more than an apology. First, CBSE must immediately restore the right to post-result verification and process all pending re-evaluation requests free of cost, given that the fiasco was institutional rather than student-driven. Second, an independent technical audit of the entire OSM process — from scanning hubs to examiner interfaces to data security — must be commissioned and made public. Third, accountability must reach the decision-makers who overrode teacher warnings, not just the vendor. And fourth, any further expansion of OSM must follow genuine piloting, rigorous teacher training, and independent security certification. The implications for children are not abstract. Class 12 scores determine college admissions, scholarship eligibility, and in many Indian families, the entire arc of a young person’s life. A wrongly awarded mark — whether too low due to a blurred scan or tampered by a security breach — is not a statistical error. It is a stolen opportunity.   CBSE owes its 1.8 million Class 12 students not just answers, but justice. (Source: The Pioneer)  

India has recorded an impressive performance in public health indicators in the sixth round of the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-6), released last week. The gains are significant compared with findings from recent surveys. Increased social health spending has helped the country achieve remarkable outcomes in reproductive health and childcare. Institutional deliveries are at 90% now. Compared with the NFHS-5 findings, child stunting dropped from 35.5% to 29.3%, and severe wasting dropped from 7.7% to 5.2%. Vaccination levels for children are above 96%. The survey reflects the positive impact of Ayushman Bharat-PMJAY and other health protection initiatives. Outside the health sector, it reveals commendable progress in women’s digital inclusion and financial empowerment. While these are positive signals, some of the survey’s findings should also cause serious concern. Child nutrition is one such area: 85% of India’s children in the 6-23 months age group are not receiving an adequate diet. A decline in exclusive breastfeeding during the first six months has been reported. More than 31% of children have been found underweight. The survey also reports an increasing incidence of non-communicable diseases such as diabetes, hypertension, and obesity. One in six Indians is reportedly diabetic, and close to 30% are obese. The obesity level is about 27% for men and more than 30% for women. As most children do not receive essential nutrition, childhood obesity is a growing trend in the country. In the survey, there are pointers to a paradox related to nutrition: the coexistence of undernutrition, which leads to stunting and wasting in children, and worrying levels of obesity. The survey shows that nutritional diversity, which is critical to all segments of the population, needs to be promoted and accorded special attention in the case of children. NFHS-6 is also important for what it does not say. It entails only 101 key indicators as against 131 in NFHS-5. The survey has left out markers such as anaemia prevalence, sex ratio at birth, infant and child mortality rates, and household use of clean cooking gas. Although the reason for these omissions is not explained, some parameters are reportedly shifted to specialised surveys. The survey does not reveal an ideal picture of the country’s health, with concerns marked across sections of the population. Its findings present a case for greater momentum in public health investment and targeted programmes tailored for optimal impact. India cannot afford a growing population that is grappling with falling health. (Source: DH)  

India’s criminal justice system has never suffered from a scarcity of laws, but rather from a paralysis of performance. The Union Home Ministry’s dismissal of the Karnataka Hate Speech and Hate Crimes (Prevention) Bill, 2025, as “redundant” is a reminder of this reality. By pointing out that the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) already contains adequate provisions to deal with hate speech and communal incitement, the Centre has effectively ruled out the possibility of the Bill receiving presidential assent. The Bill, passed in the Belagavi session in December amidst fierce Opposition protests, sought to criminalise hate speech through a dedicated state statute. It defined hate speech broadly to include verbal, written, electronic, and symbolic expressions intended to create disharmony or enmity. It expanded protected categories to include gender and sexual orientation, and prescribed stringent punishments, including imprisonment of up to 10 years for repeat offenders. The legislation also empowered designated officers to order the removal of online content and authorised police and executive magistrates to take preventive action if they believed an offence was likely to occur. While the intent to curb communal poison and protect vulnerable communities was legitimate, the Bill raised serious concerns. Critics argued that its definitions of “disharmony” and “ill-will” were vague and elastic, leaving enormous room for subjective interpretation and misuse. The preventive powers granted to law enforcement based merely on “reason to believe” appeared dangerously broad and vulnerable to political abuse. The provisions relating to online content removal also risked creating a parallel censorship framework outside the established processes. Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot flagged these constitutional concerns while reserving the Bill for presidential consideration. The Union Home Ministry reinforced those objections, pointing out that erecting overlapping state-level criminal structures on subjects already governed by central law would only breed legal confusion and constitutional friction. None of this diminishes the grave danger posed by hate speech. It remains one of the most corrosive threats to social harmony, capable of normalising discrimination and triggering violence. But the answer does not lie in the endless multiplication of laws. India already possesses sufficient legal provisions to prosecute offenders. The real failure lies in weak investigation, poor evidence-gathering, and delayed prosecution, resulting in abysmally low conviction rates. The lack of consequences emboldens those indulging in hate speech. The government must first close these administrative gaps that feed a culture where hatred is deployed as a weapon. Laws do not deter by virtue of novelty, but by the credible certainty of their enforcement. (Source: DH)